Download free computerized mp3 audio file of this column

(To subscribe to my columns at no cost, click here.)

The Wicked Warlock of the West is dead. Henry Kissinger has gone to his eternal abode.

Kissinger was the quintessential warmonger. He was the warmonger's warmonger. He was personally instrumental in the murder of at least 3 million people—and that is being VERY conservative. Kissinger never saw a war he didn't like, and he was still promoting war up to the day he entered eternity.

I'll start with TheIntercept.com:

Henry Kissinger, national security adviser and secretary of state under two presidents and longtime éminence grise of the U.S. foreign policy establishment, died on November 29 at his home in Connecticut. He was 100 years old.

Kissinger helped prolong the Vietnam War and expand that conflict into neutral Cambodia; facilitated genocides in Cambodia, East Timor, and Bangladesh; accelerated civil wars in southern Africa; and supported coups and death squads throughout Latin America. He had the blood of at least 3 million people on his hands, according to his biographer Greg Grandin. 

There were "few people who have had a hand in as much death and destruction, as much human suffering, in so many places around the world as Henry Kissinger," said veteran war crimes prosecutor Reed Brody.

A 2023 investigation by The Intercept found that Kissinger — perhaps the most powerful national security adviser in American history and the chief architect of U.S. war policy in Southeast Asia from 1969 to 1975 — was responsible for more civilian deaths in Cambodia than was previously known, according to an exclusive archive of U.S. military documents and interviews with Cambodian survivors and American witnesses.

The Intercept disclosed previously unpublished, unreported, and under-appreciated evidence of hundreds of civilian casualties that were kept secret during the war and remained almost entirely unknown to the American people. Kissinger bore significant responsibility for attacks in Cambodia that killed as many as 150,000 civilians — up to six times more noncombatants than the United States has killed in airstrikes since 9/11, according to experts.

North Vietnam and its revolutionary allies in South Vietnam would topple the U.S.-backed government in Saigon . . . in 1975. That same year, due in large part to Nixon and Kissinger's expansion of the war into the tiny, neutral nation of Cambodia, the American-backed military regime there fell to the genocidal Khmer Rouge, whose campaign of overwork, torture, and murder then killed 2 million people, roughly 20 percent of the population. Kissinger almost immediately sought to make common cause with the génocidaires. "You should also tell the Cambodians that we will be friends with them. They are murderous thugs, but we won't let that stand in our way. We are prepared to improve relations with them," he told Thailand's foreign minister.

As secretary of state and national security adviser, Kissinger spearheaded efforts to improve relations with the former Soviet Union and "opened" the People's Republic of China to the West for the first time since Mao Zedong came to power in 1949. Kissinger also supported genocidal militaries in Pakistan and Indonesia. In the former, Nixon and his national security adviser backed a dictator who — according to CIA estimates — slaughtered hundreds of thousands of civilians; in the latter, Ford and Kissinger gave President Suharto the go-ahead for an invasion of East Timor that resulted in about 200,000 deaths — around a quarter of the entire population.

In Latin America, Nixon and Kissinger plotted to overturn the democratic election of Chile's socialist president Salvador Allende. This included Kissinger's supervision of covert operations — such as the botched kidnapping of Chilean Gen. René Schneider that ended in Schneider's murder — to destabilize Chile and prompt a military coup. "You did a great service to the West in overthrowing Allende," Kissinger later told Gen. Augusto Pinochet, the leader of the military junta that went on to kill thousands of Chileans. In Argentina, Kissinger gave another green light, this time to a terror campaign of torture, forced disappearances, and murder by a military junta that overthrew President Isabel Perón. During a June 1976 meeting, Kissinger told the junta's foreign minister, César Augusto Guzzetti: "If there are things that have to be done, you should do them quickly." The so-called Dirty War that followed would claim the lives of an estimated 30,000 Argentine civilians.

Kissinger's diplomacy also stoked a war in Angola and prolonged apartheid in South Africa. In the Middle East, he sold out the Kurds in Iraq and, wrote Grandin, "left that region in chaos, setting the stage for crises that continue to afflict humanity."

Through a combination of raw ambition, media manipulation, and an uncanny ability to obscure the truth and avoid scandal, Kissinger transformed himself from a college professor and bureaucrat into the most celebrated American diplomat of the 20th century and a bona fide celebrity. Hailed as the "Playboy of the Western Wing" and the "sex symbol of the Nixon administration," he was photographed with starlets and became a fodder for the gossip columns. While dozens of his White House colleagues were laid low by myriad Watergate crimes, which cost Nixon his job in 1974, Kissinger skirted the scandal and emerged a media darling.

In his 2001 book-length indictment, "The Trial of Henry Kissinger," Christopher Hitchens called for Kissinger's prosecution "for war crimes, for crimes against humanity, and for offenses against common or customary or international law, including conspiracy to commit murder, kidnap, and torture" from Argentina, Bangladesh, Chile and East Timor to Cambodia, Laos, Uruguay, and Vietnam.

Kissinger ducked questions about the bombing of Cambodia, muddied the truth in public comments, and spent half his life lying about his role in the killings there. In the early 2000s, Kissinger was sought for questioning in connection with human rights abuses by former South American military dictatorships, but he evaded investigators, once declining to appear before a court in France and bolting from Paris after receiving a summons. He was never charged or prosecuted for deaths for which he bore responsibility.

"Much of the world considered Kissinger to be a war criminal, but who would have dared put the handcuffs on an American secretary of state?" asked Brody, who brought historic legal cases against Pinochet, Chadian dictator Hissène Habré, and others. "Kissinger was not once even questioned by a court about any of his alleged crimes, much less prosecuted."

Kissinger's legacy extends beyond the corpses, trauma, and suffering of the victims he left behind. His policies, Grandin told The Intercept, set the stage for the civilian carnage of the U.S. war on terror from Afghanistan to Iraq, Syria to Somalia, and beyond. "You can trace a line from the bombing of Cambodia to the present," said Grandin, author of "Kissinger's Shadow." "The covert justifications for illegally bombing Cambodia became the framework for the justifications of drone strikes and forever war. It's a perfect expression of American militarism's unbroken circle."

Iraqi journalist Ahmed Twaij wrote:

Kissinger also proved to be a spoiler for peace in the Middle East. He not only sabotaged proposals for a settlement between Israel and Arab states that came from Moscow, but undermined even those that came from within Washington.

While being a staunch supporter of Israel, Kissinger showed shocking disregard for Jewish life. In a conversation with Nixon, he was recorded as saying: "The emigration of Jews from the Soviet Union is not an objective of American foreign policy … And if they put Jews into gas chambers in the Soviet Union, it is not an American concern."

After he left office as secretary of state, Kissinger did not stop pushing for death and destruction across the world in books, interviews, articles and advice to US officials.

As an Iraqi, I find the criminal role he played in the Bush administration's decision-making in the war on Iraq, particularly disturbing. Bush leaned on him as he rolled out his "shock and awe" strategy, deciding to carpet bomb Iraqi civilians, despite the bombing campaigns failing spectacularly in Cambodia and Vietnam.

Even while living his last days (peacefully, unlike his many victims) at his home in Connecticut, Kissinger could not stop himself from promoting war. In an interview with Politico following the October 7 attack in Israel, Kissinger proclaimed full support for the brutal Israeli war on Gaza.

The legacy Kissinger leaves behind is truly horrific. He shaped American politics and policy-making to entrench the belief that bloody and violent imperial policies pay off, that it is OK to defend the "national interest" at the cost of millions of lives. Today – as we are witnessing in Gaza – US officials continue to be convinced that carpet bombing and mass killing of a civilian population can yield the desired political results.

If Kissinger never faced justice, can we expect Israeli officials to ever be held to account?

Indeed, the real tragedy of his life and death is that he proved the powerful can get away with killing millions and still be celebrated after peacefully passing.

Most true patriots know that, aside from being a lowlife amoral debauchee and cold-blooded mass murderer, he was also one of the world's major architects of a globalist New World Order. He was the globalist poster boy for everyone in the backrooms of the CFR, Trilateral Commission and Bilderbergers. He was the globalist role model for Klaus Schwab.

Yet, many of America's most revered and celebrated evangelical leaders idolized Henry Kissinger.

Here is what Franklin Graham (President and CEO, Samaritan's Purse) said about Kissinger on his Facebook page on November 29:

The United States has lost our greatest ambassador. He worked tirelessly to bring the Vietnam War to an end. Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger passed away today at the age of 100. 

Here is what Ralph Reed (Chairman, Faith and Freedom Coalition) said about Kissinger on his X page on November 29:

Henry Kissinger was a patriot, a brilliant and wise man, unfailingly generous, one of the greatest diplomats and foreign policy thinkers in US history, and someone I was privileged to call friend. He was a giant.

Here is what Rev. Johnnie Moore (former Sr. Vice President and Campus Pastor of Liberty University and board member of the International Fellowship of Christians and Jews) said on his X page about Kissinger on November 29:

Charlie Munger yesterday.

Henry Kissinger today.

We are quickly losing a generation of truly gigantic figures.

May their memories be a blessing & may all of us recognize the profound responsibility we all have to fill the gaps of that great generation.

The lengths to which many evangelical leaders and pastors will go to ingratiate themselves with people in positions of power know no bounds.

If you haven't already done so, I urge you to read my column last week, addressed to evangelical leaders such as Ralph Reed, James Dobson, Jonathan Falwell, Robert Jeffress, John Hagee, et al.

Sorry, Ralph. Henry Kissinger was not a giant; he was a murderous monster.

P.S. Not only are we introducing Prophecy Package – Set Three today (see banner atop this column) but we are also introducing two brand new DVD messages.

The first message DVD is my message from last Sunday, Prophecy Message number 18 from Revelation chapter 13, entitled The Beast, The Mark And The Number Of His Name.

The second message DVD contains my three messages on the Israeli genocidal war against the Palestinians in Gaza entitled End-Time Israel.  

© Chuck Baldwin

*If you appreciate this column and want to help me distribute these editorial opinions to an ever-growing audience, donations may be made by credit card, check, or Money Order. Use this link:

Chuck Baldwin Live Donate Form

I also have many books and DVDs available for purchase online. Go here:

Chuck Baldwin Live Store

To subscribe to my weekly columns, click here:

Subscribe to Chuck's Column